The Morning Dispatch: A Dark Day on Capitol Hill

Protesters clash with police and delay the counting of the electoral votes.

Trump supporters clash with law enforcement officers. (Photograph by Kent Nishimura /Los Angeles Times/Getty Images.)

Today’s TMD is not going to be like other TMDs, because yesterday was a bleak and sobering day in American history.

What Have We Become?

Any other year, Congress’s counting of the states’ electoral votes after a presidential election would be purely a procedural matter. Yes, a handful of fringe Democrats objected to certain states’ electors in 2005 and 2017, but we doubt you even heard about it, because a) those objecting allowed that their efforts were not intended to overturn the election, and b) their objections were quickly and summarily rejected, including by high-ranking officials of their own party, and, c) the losers of those presidential elections had already conceded their races weeks prior.

This year, however, Republican Party officials and right-wing media organizations who should—and do—know better have spent months filling their voters’ heads with lies: that widespread voter fraud stole the election from President Trump, that the Trump campaign and its allies were consistently one lawsuit away from righting this grievous wrong, that state legislatures would send alternate slates of electors to the Electoral College, and, when all those avenues failed to manifest, that Vice President Mike Pence would magically flip a switch on January 6 and deliver Trump four more years in office.

A few GOP leaders legitimately believed what they were saying—President Trump himself apparently among them—but the vast majority did not. Yet so many repeated the lies anyway. Over, and over, and over again. It was the easy thing to do, because they knew that legally speaking, nothing would come of it. Sign onto an amicus brief seeking to disenfranchise millions of American voters to prove your Trump bona fides—the Supreme Court will never take the case. Go on Fox News and tell viewers the Trump campaign is well within its rights to file frivolous lawsuit after frivolous lawsuit—judges around the country will knock them down. Announce your intentions to object to the electoral votes on January 6—Mike Pence and the more responsible members of your conference will bail you out.

We learned yesterday that, while professional Republicans understand the game these people are playing, thousands upon thousands of Republican voters did not. In fact, poll after poll shows that one-third of the country—and three-quarters of Republicans—do not believe the election results are accurate.

It was therefore shocking, but not surprising, that hundreds of the hardcore Trump supporters the president summoned to Washington, D.C. under the guise of “stopping the steal” overran Capitol security forces and laid siege to the same building that British forces did in the War of 1812.

The mob—which, contrary to the claims of some right-wing personalities, was not actually made up of Antifa members—sparred with police, smashed windows, breached the Senate chamber, and sent members of Congress into hiding, delaying the formalities for hours. The rioters broke into and looted members’ offices, and someone etched “Murder the Media” into a door. A pipe bomb was found and successfully destroyed by a bomb squad near the Republican National Committee, and the FBI said that two suspected explosive devices found at the Capitol were “rendered safe.” At least 14 police officers were injured in the melee, according to D.C. Chief of Police Robert Contee, while one woman was fatally shot inside the Capitol and three others died of medical emergencies during the chaos.

D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser instituted a 6 p.m. curfew for the city, and all 1,100 members of the D.C. National Guard were activated to support local police and secure the building and surrounding area. By the early evening, they were able to do so. The New York Timesreported that Pence—not Trump—approved the order to deploy the National Guard, as Trump “initially rebuffed and resisted requests” to do so.

President Trump had addressed the crowd from the White House a short while before the riot, telling them that their goal was to “save our democracy” and decrying the “weak Republicans” who were letting the Democrats get away with the steal.

“We’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women,” he told the crowd, promising he would go with them (he didn’t). “We’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them, because you’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong.”

Well after the violence had begun, and after former top members of his own staff publicly called on him to do so, Trump fired off a pair of tweets encouraging his supporters to remain peaceful. But a few hours later, Trump declared that “these are the things and events that happen when a sacred landslide election victory is so unceremoniously & viciously stripped away from great patriots who have been badly & unfairly treated for so long. … Remember this day forever!”

That post—along with another one telling his supporters to go home but reiterating his lie that “we had an election stolen from us”—led both Facebook and Twitter to lock the president’s account and prevent him from posting anything for at least 12 hours. “Future violations of the Twitter Rules, including our Civic Integrity or Violent Threats policies, will result in permanent suspension of the @realDonaldTrump account,” Twitter wrote.

Before the insurrection disrupted the proceedings, Trump had received stinging rebukes from two of his most prominent allies in Washington. Outlining what he believed to be “the most important vote [he had] ever cast,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell asserted that there was no evidence of voter fraud “anywhere near” what would’ve been required to tip the election.

The Dispatch’s First Staff Editorial

The Dispatch has never published a staff editorial before, but this is an unprecedented—and pivotal—time in our nation’s history. Up on the website today, we call for the impeachment and removal of President Trump.

Impeachment is not merely a punitive act for past offenses—though Trump richly deserves his punishment—it is a protective measure to guard against further danger. He still possesses immense power. He can still attempt to direct the energies and efforts of the American military or law enforcement to preserve his power. And if he runs for president again, he can drag this nation through yet another violent and divisive drama, with unforeseen consequences for the nation.

His behavior remains alarming. He continues to insist that the election was stolen. He was pleased by the disturbance at the Capitol. He banned Vice President Pence’s chief of staff from the White House grounds as retribution for Pence’s alleged disloyalty. A statement from the acting secretary of Defense noted that he’d spoken to Pence—not Trump—about restoring order to the besieged Capitol.

Trump alone is a threat to the stability of the country. But he is not alone. External threats remain and the president, so addled and unhinged, is in no position to deal with them should any exigencies arise. America’s enemies seek to weaken us and could well look to take advantage of the chaos in our leadership today. What would Donald Trump do in the face of provocation from Russia, Iran or North Korea? Would he listen to advisers? Would military leaders listen to him? It’s far too risky to find out.

Yuval Levin on What the Riot in the Capitol Reveals

This would normally go in the Toeing the Company Line section, but we’re forgoing that today. Also up on the site, Yuval Levin has a piece on the trouble with living in alternate realities, and how years of doing so led to what happened yesterday.

“The riot itself is no threat to the stability of our republic,” he writes. “The bigger problem, the more fundamental challenge to the stability of our republic on display on Wednesday, was a set of interconnected failures of responsibility—failures to take ownership of the fate of our society, and especially failures to deal with reality. The mob of rioters obviously behaved irresponsibly. Too many congressional Republicans did too—flirting with lies and conspiracies for political gain, knowing it was all for show. But above all, it was the president’s irresponsibility that made Wednesday’s drama a real threat to our national stability.”

Like so much of what Trump has wrought, the attack on the Capitol had the feel of fiction, and even many of the people involved seemed to be playing out a fantasy in their heads, living in a world in which sinister forces had stolen the election from their lion-hearted hero and they had come to set things straight by a show of strength. It’s all a lie, every part of it, yet the actions taken by the crowd were very real, and very dangerous.

There has always been something of this unreality about Trump’s behavior in the presidency. From the very beginning, it has seemed that Trump almost fully inhabits a boorish, narcissistic psychodrama playing in his head. Through the power of his personality and celebrity, he has been able to draw others into that fantasy world for decades, and through the power of the presidency he has now been able to project it onto the real world and draw yet more followers into it.

This hasn’t left Trump simply dysfunctional in the presidency. He has proven to have a solid political sense and a nose for where his voters are. And he made some good appointments and some policy moves that any Republican president would have been proud of. And yet, the entire time, if you had spoken to people around Trump, you would have heard mind-boggling stories of their direct experiences with him—tales of a president bizarrely disconnected, obsessive, impervious to information, fixated on personal loyalty, endlessly repeating patent nonsense.

The View From Capitol Hill

The joint session started out normally enough. Minutes before it began, Vice President Mike Pence issued a statement clarifying that he did not have the authority to reject any electoral votes, a response to tweets from President Trump that he expected his vice president to decertify the election. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell gave a somber speech condemning those congressional Republicans who planned to object to votes in six swing states that voted for Biden.

The first objection came when Arizona’s votes were announced. The chambers broke for debate, and it wasn’t long before proceedings were interrupted by events outside the Capitol, where pro-Trump rioters were breaking down barriers and trying to get into the building.

Andrew and Audrey covered the “Save America March” on the National Mall before heading to the Capitol, where things got violent quickly. You should read their full article, but here are some key moments.

With the grounds of the Capitol still empty except for the police ostensibly securing them, two men sat in camp chairs in front of the Capitol reflecting pool, white paper signs reading “militia recruiter” taped to their seats. They were handing out flyers announcing the organization of a “national militia” that would “occur throughout the morning,” members of which would wear silver armbands “signifying that they are lawful combatants.” Other paramilitary groups, like the Proud Boys, didn’t need signups: They’d arrived fully formed, marching down the Mall to the Capitol shortly before Trump spoke.

This was perhaps the most salient fact: The people most determined to start a riot at the Capitol were the ones who were there first.

The crowd grew as rally-goers made their way to the Capitol building. It didn’t take long for things to get out of control.

The outmatched Capitol Police made sporadic efforts to deploy smoke and crowd-control irritants, but to little avail: Blustery winds blew them away before most of the crowd even noticed them. One man who had been at the front came staggering back to the barricades with tears streaming down his cheeks; he’d apparently been hit with pepper spray. One woman was indignant: They can use tear gas here, but not at the Black Lives Matter riots over the summer? “That moron! Somebody ought to shoot her in the eyes with tear gas. Whatever her name is, the mayor.” And then, with a half-apologetic laugh: “I’m all full of anger, can you tell?”

The tension ratcheted higher still once news trickled out that Vice President Mike Pence, in defiance of Trump’s repeated requests and threats, had announced he did not have the power to unilaterally throw out electoral votes. One man saw the news on Breitbart, then began moving from cluster to cluster of protesters to share, leaving a trail of suddenly dismayed people in his wake: “He has betrayed us! Mike Pence has betrayed us!” “Pence sold us out,” one replied in shock. Two young women tried to start up a chant: “Hang Mike Pence! Hang Mike Pence!”

As if Wednesday’s events weren’t surreal enough, several of the people they talked to said they would not be deterred.

Despite missing the lawmakers, the rioters were still pleased with their conquest. “I see justice being done,” Ron Russell of Ohio told The Dispatch. “This is our house, our house. We’re taking it back. May not be today, but we will take this house back, guaranteed.”

“We’re coming to the Capitol,” added Ron’s friend Robert Unterzuber, “and we’re going to tear her down if necessary and drag them people out of there.”

Reporting by Declan Garvey (@declanpgarvey), Andrew Egger (@EggerDC), Haley Byrd Wilt (@byrdinator), Audrey Fahlberg (@FahlOutBerg), Charlotte Lawson (@charlotteUVA), and Steve Hayes (@stephenfhayes).